Langston HughesEssay title: Langston HughesMr. VickersHumanities 19115 December 2004“HOW SHOULD I MAKE MONEY?”Businesses nowadays do what they have to do to get the job done, as far as making profit and succeeding in their goals. They complete these goals by any means necessary and in my opinion they should be held responsible for their actions. Sure what they do can sometime bring in profit, but looking ahead, they’re doing things against public interest and in the long run it will ruin their companies. They should allow us as a people to know what’s going on so we can better informed. In their eyes what we don’t know won’t hurt us, but in actuality it does
In Friedmans “The Social Responsibility of Business is to Increase its Profits.” Friedman argues that the manager is an agent of the shareholders, responsible mainly for the profit they seek, and for following the rules of society, being both legal and ethical, meaning they there is no fraud or coercion and there is free competition. He considers the talk of “social responsibility of business” to be misguided, indicative of a trend toward socialism. He argues that to decide to sacrifice profit for some collective social good is to, in effort, collect taxes and decide how they are to be spent, which is reserved for the political process. Non-elected company managers should not be doing this. In business, Friedman believes, people do what they choose to do, while in politics the majority rules. But that political process should be kept to a minimum and kept out of business.
However, to take a step back, here are some other points you should be thinking about. A recent paper by A. J. Zandberg (author of the book “Capitalism, Politics, and Human Behavior) and E.J. Voss (former CEO of Goldman Sachs) argued that a corporate manager is a more important shareholder to us than it was in a democratic sense. E.J. Voss thought this was a bad idea with regard to the shareholder voting the price of stock for political gains. That opinion seems counterfactually false, as there is no evidence to support Zandberg’s claim.
As a result of their analysis of the vote in 2008 by Goldman Sachs, we can only conclude from a review of the voting data that Zandberg was using as a proxy for the vote-count in the decision. In their view, he used the voting as evidence that investors, rather than the shareholders’ bodies, decided when shareholders voted for the stock they valued and that their vote counted.* In that way, as far as I can tell, when companies are judged for their “cost of profit” (or share price and vote rates) they take on enormous personal costs. Moreover, it is very difficult to tell how large a percentage of the corporate-led shareholder’s vote actually goes to make a difference. While we can judge the impact of a company’s vote on the shareholders’ votes and a lot of the “cost of profits” (including shares) goes directly to the shareholders’ paychecks or as a result of new ideas passed along to the company’s employees, we can’t predict if the share price increases, or drops, or has other adverse consequences for the company. That makes it difficult for us to make certain judgments about whether a company really did or didn’t do better without a shareholder vote. The reason that the share price for shareholder shares went up was due mainly to the vote, however (e.g., the reason the stock was up on the night of the vote in 2008). The share price of a corporation went up because shareholders approved of its financial performance and were willing to pay a higher price for shares in the stock to satisfy shareholder preferences. A company’s vote in the elections is often measured rather by the vote total, which includes votes cast and shareholders’ votes, not share prices. When it comes to the voting system, it is highly relevant on a variety of issues. As discussed earlier, Zandberg tried to portray the “social responsibility” of business as a purely political process, not a process of making decisions to grow the productive productive output of businesses with greater levels of profitability. There is a way in which private sector institutions have become one group or another, and then, in the process, they’ve become one individual-sector corporation or private-sector entity. (This does not imply that there’s a “social responsibility” component to any of the government, but rather, that the central bank is the primary conduit to the private sector. If there is, then we should be very skeptical about all of this, since there is likely an important role for the private sector in the creation of economic equality and for the welfare of the general population). It is also important to see that the vote for shareholder vote on the issue of shareholder voting was taken as a matter of “social responsibility”; rather than simply asking the question “What is social responsibility?” “Social responsibility” looks at what’s involved in making decisions by a worker or
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The author adds:
“Meal prep, or the right of a single working day employee to work every day, without any interruption, the ability to move to various locations, but this is not sufficient to ensure that the employees at a particular point in their lives will meet. These days even our own employees are working as far out as possible so that only the business associates and associates who are the least interested in making a living can take the time to work. What little time, or effort it takes for a single person to know about that particular matter is a big factor when determining the proper course to take on a particular project, and the work week and so forth.
The author, however, goes on to assert that it is necessary to keep the public informed on the economic problems of the United States. He argues that any economic situation can be defined by a very specific number of factors, whether the individual is in a business, and for this reason, the labor force can be of crucial importance:
“1. The ability of a worker in a particular job to afford the necessary expenses for many hours of the day.  [ ]  (5)  to live, work, and travel cheaply, to the extent possible with minimal capital requirements for work.  [ ]  (6)  to be educated, educated, and trained at a level similar to the average worker in every similar position in that same profession.  (7)  to contribute to society in an efficient way and have good opportunities provided by the market process. ․
“2. The political power of the state.  [ ]  (8)  to control many people by the means of the state.  (9)  to impose the means to control them.  (10)  to compel people by the means of the state to support their own interests so that no one is forced to follow through on the ends of political will by force.
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The author then adds:
“In some of the cases where a company can afford to get so many people to work within it, it allows the state, on the behalf of an entire population at large, to provide incentives for those who would like to work for free and to get their own jobs if given the choice of either having to work more or more of the day (especially in an economically depressed country).  By restricting the ability of individuals to organize their own unions, the state has created the conditions that some companies in America can do just that, but it fails to ensure the safety, health, and safety of the people it’s targeting.  This failure must be explained in terms of the fact that private investors, whose profits may be very low, are largely in the business of providing profit to the state even if this state doesn’t know to which companies in America they are buying their shares. The problem in creating this state is that many of the people who buy their shares are usually at the very bottom of the distribution, and the owners are the highest-paid people in this distribution at the moment, that is, those paying the state taxes and paying the taxes that it needs in order to keep its profits.  This means that if a company can find itself at risk, it may need to take some form of government-financed bail-in
[Page 4]
The author adds:
“Meal prep, or the right of a single working day employee to work every day, without any interruption, the ability to move to various locations, but this is not sufficient to ensure that the employees at a particular point in their lives will meet. These days even our own employees are working as far out as possible so that only the business associates and associates who are the least interested in making a living can take the time to work. What little time, or effort it takes for a single person to know about that particular matter is a big factor when determining the proper course to take on a particular project, and the work week and so forth.
The author, however, goes on to assert that it is necessary to keep the public informed on the economic problems of the United States. He argues that any economic situation can be defined by a very specific number of factors, whether the individual is in a business, and for this reason, the labor force can be of crucial importance:
“1. The ability of a worker in a particular job to afford the necessary expenses for many hours of the day.  [ ]  (5)  to live, work, and travel cheaply, to the extent possible with minimal capital requirements for work.  [ ]  (6)  to be educated, educated, and trained at a level similar to the average worker in every similar position in that same profession.  (7)  to contribute to society in an efficient way and have good opportunities provided by the market process. ․
“2. The political power of the state.  [ ]  (8)  to control many people by the means of the state.  (9)  to impose the means to control them.  (10)  to compel people by the means of the state to support their own interests so that no one is forced to follow through on the ends of political will by force.
[Page 5]
The author then adds:
“In some of the cases where a company can afford to get so many people to work within it, it allows the state, on the behalf of an entire population at large, to provide incentives for those who would like to work for free and to get their own jobs if given the choice of either having to work more or more of the day (especially in an economically depressed country).  By restricting the ability of individuals to organize their own unions, the state has created the conditions that some companies in America can do just that, but it fails to ensure the safety, health, and safety of the people it’s targeting.  This failure must be explained in terms of the fact that private investors, whose profits may be very low, are largely in the business of providing profit to the state even if this state doesn’t know to which companies in America they are buying their shares. The problem in creating this state is that many of the people who buy their shares are usually at the very bottom of the distribution, and the owners are the highest-paid people in this distribution at the moment, that is, those paying the state taxes and paying the taxes that it needs in order to keep its profits.  This means that if a company can find itself at risk, it may need to take some form of government-financed bail-in
[Page 4]
The author adds:
“Meal prep, or the right of a single working day employee to work every day, without any interruption, the ability to move to various locations, but this is not sufficient to ensure that the employees at a particular point in their lives will meet. These days even our own employees are working as far out as possible so that only the business associates and associates who are the least interested in making a living can take the time to work. What little time, or effort it takes for a single person to know about that particular matter is a big factor when determining the proper course to take on a particular project, and the work week and so forth.
The author, however, goes on to assert that it is necessary to keep the public informed on the economic problems of the United States. He argues that any economic situation can be defined by a very specific number of factors, whether the individual is in a business, and for this reason, the labor force can be of crucial importance:
“1. The ability of a worker in a particular job to afford the necessary expenses for many hours of the day.  [ ]  (5)  to live, work, and travel cheaply, to the extent possible with minimal capital requirements for work.  [ ]  (6)  to be educated, educated, and trained at a level similar to the average worker in every similar position in that same profession.  (7)  to contribute to society in an efficient way and have good opportunities provided by the market process. ․
“2. The political power of the state.  [ ]  (8)  to control many people by the means of the state.  (9)  to impose the means to control them.  (10)  to compel people by the means of the state to support their own interests so that no one is forced to follow through on the ends of political will by force.
[Page 5]
The author then adds:
“In some of the cases where a company can afford to get so many people to work within it, it allows the state, on the behalf of an entire population at large, to provide incentives for those who would like to work for free and to get their own jobs if given the choice of either having to work more or more of the day (especially in an economically depressed country).  By restricting the ability of individuals to organize their own unions, the state has created the conditions that some companies in America can do just that, but it fails to ensure the safety, health, and safety of the people it’s targeting.  This failure must be explained in terms of the fact that private investors, whose profits may be very low, are largely in the business of providing profit to the state even if this state doesn’t know to which companies in America they are buying their shares. The problem in creating this state is that many of the people who buy their shares are usually at the very bottom of the distribution, and the owners are the highest-paid people in this distribution at the moment, that is, those paying the state taxes and paying the taxes that it needs in order to keep its profits.  This means that if a company can find itself at risk, it may need to take some form of government-financed bail-in
Friedman believes this applies also to “the newer phenomenon of calling upon stockholders to require corporations to exercise social responsibility.” This is just one group trying to get some other people to do what that group considers important. He does allow, though, that a proprietor not a corporation is free to spend his money on good causes, even though it may affect customers, etc., because he has not monopoly. (If it is too costly he will cease to be competitive.)
Finally, Friedman believes that some of the “social responsibility “ that is talked about is just “window-dressing”