Is the Idea of Public Service Broadcasting Still Relevant?Essay title: Is the Idea of Public Service Broadcasting Still Relevant?Is the idea of Public Service Broadcasting still relevant?The broadcasting has undergone dramatic change in the past two decades. Facing new technologies (multi-channel, broadband and digital convergence), the future of public service broadcasting is now a crucial global concern. Innovative ways to access audiovisual content over the internet, mobile phone networks or other new media becomes ever more common. Television has moved rapidly from four main stations to hundreds, and it is likely to move to a digital-only environment. In most countries, there exist mixed broadcasting models, with the co-existence of State and commercial as well as public service channels. In this essay, I wish to distinct public service broadcasting (PSB) and define by discussing its fundamental practices and problems it faces. Further on I am going to address the question of the role of PSB in the information society and how it should adjust to the age of the Internet.

To begin with, it is crucial here that the key reason for PSB to exist is that it has purposes that differ from the state-controlled broadcasting model and the profit-oriented commercial one. Thus, the principal is to benefit not any commercial or political interests but the public. Moreover, the goals of PSB are not only different from, but also complementary to, the activities of the private sector, which seems to be driven by only one ambition -targeting the largest possible audiences through the most attractive content with no respect for public interest.

It is worth to note that PSB has so far been a uniquely Western European invention, with a few exceptions in Canada, Australia, Japan and New Zealand. TV stations in Central and Eastern European countries were understood as state information agencies and are currently still undergoing transformation of government owned into dual systems, combining public service and commercial organisations.

Although there are 9 varying models of PSB, there are shared ideals which apply not only to the countries that struggle with the creation of reliable public media, but also to those where PSB has been existing and regarded as a model:

1. Financial independence.That is to say the method of financing that guarantees freedom from commercial and political manipulation. Public broadcasters may receive all or a substantial part of their funding from license fees or other independent public funding. “There is considerable variation between countries in the funding mechanisms established for PSBs. In the United Kingdom, a substantial proportion (over 80 percent) of the revenue for the BBC comes from a licence fee, which every person who operates a television set within the country is legally obliged to pay. Other sources of revenue include income from commercial activities. In respect of its World Service broadcasting, the BBC receives a direct grant from the British Government that accounts for nearly 90 percent of that services budget” (Indrajit, Kalinga 2005).

&#8221,&#8222:In the last two years, the BBC and other government bodies have been accused of acting inappropriately in the provision of media subsidies. Despite the need for some basic changes made and a growing body of evidence linking the BBC and other media funding to corruption, not in the past five to seven years has there been any change in the nature of the BBC or other entities to support programmes. Such criticism of the BBC for allowing political and legal interference in the BBC’s management of licence fee revenue, for instance the case of the BBC-owned station Zuma which also involved a major corruption probe in the early 1990s, has not increased the public’s interest. However, it has given a voice to those, including the British government, who view the BBC as the major party of corruption.&#8224:It is also fair to say that other agencies are now taking notice. The Indian Broadcasting Corporation (IBC) has set up a ‘new agency’ of its own, headed by an Indian-trained police officer.‡ (Vargh Kumar 2002) In the 1990s, in response to complaints about the use of ‘parallel state TV channels’ to provide live news coverage by political and legal parties, IBT, a public broadcaster for Delhi at the time of the 1980s, created a separate board with the mandate to develop independent ‘independent’ channels, like those established in the 1980s, that offered live coverage and analysis of media, politics, or cultural issues. And in 2006 a consortium of Indian-owned banks have joined forces with IBT to open up channels in nine other local areas of the city for local public television.• (Lalas Bhattacharya 2000) In 2007, by a joint decision, the Indian government imposed a series of changes to IBT’s programming, including new national programming guidelines and new ‘inter-media broadcasting. More and more of the money that is brought in from licensing or licensing fees is used to fund programmes that are available to viewers in multiple territories.‣ (Vargh Kumar 2002) This has been accompanied by an increase in IBT-funded programming from four to five.․ (Lalas Bhattacharya 2000) And in 2008 it was announced that IBT would provide a series of ‘national shows,’ such as the three-hour documentary series ‘Zuma’s Crime’ on Sunday from 5.30pm on Sundays, for Rs 200. This also means that programmes that were available only to subscribers on one channel (i.e., ‘Zuma’s Crime’ without any government involvement) are now available exclusively in TV-only.‥(Bisht Sharma 2011) Moreover, since 2001, the public broadcasting agency has been making investments in a variety of digital media to enable new and innovative media companies to operate in India.… (Vargh Kumar 2002) IBT has also provided digital content in formats such as Vimeo, MobiMovies, RIT and YouTube.‧ (Vargh Kumar 2000) IBT also has acquired a substantial amount of commercial licenses from major broadcasters, which has contributed greatly in some cases to the creation of independent media.
 (Vargh Kumar 2002) It was in this context that V

&#8221,&#8222:In the last two years, the BBC and other government bodies have been accused of acting inappropriately in the provision of media subsidies. Despite the need for some basic changes made and a growing body of evidence linking the BBC and other media funding to corruption, not in the past five to seven years has there been any change in the nature of the BBC or other entities to support programmes. Such criticism of the BBC for allowing political and legal interference in the BBC’s management of licence fee revenue, for instance the case of the BBC-owned station Zuma which also involved a major corruption probe in the early 1990s, has not increased the public’s interest. However, it has given a voice to those, including the British government, who view the BBC as the major party of corruption.&#8224:It is also fair to say that other agencies are now taking notice. The Indian Broadcasting Corporation (IBC) has set up a ‘new agency’ of its own, headed by an Indian-trained police officer.‡ (Vargh Kumar 2002) In the 1990s, in response to complaints about the use of ‘parallel state TV channels’ to provide live news coverage by political and legal parties, IBT, a public broadcaster for Delhi at the time of the 1980s, created a separate board with the mandate to develop independent ‘independent’ channels, like those established in the 1980s, that offered live coverage and analysis of media, politics, or cultural issues. And in 2006 a consortium of Indian-owned banks have joined forces with IBT to open up channels in nine other local areas of the city for local public television.• (Lalas Bhattacharya 2000) In 2007, by a joint decision, the Indian government imposed a series of changes to IBT’s programming, including new national programming guidelines and new ‘inter-media broadcasting. More and more of the money that is brought in from licensing or licensing fees is used to fund programmes that are available to viewers in multiple territories.‣ (Vargh Kumar 2002) This has been accompanied by an increase in IBT-funded programming from four to five.․ (Lalas Bhattacharya 2000) And in 2008 it was announced that IBT would provide a series of ‘national shows,’ such as the three-hour documentary series ‘Zuma’s Crime’ on Sunday from 5.30pm on Sundays, for Rs 200. This also means that programmes that were available only to subscribers on one channel (i.e., ‘Zuma’s Crime’ without any government involvement) are now available exclusively in TV-only.‥(Bisht Sharma 2011) Moreover, since 2001, the public broadcasting agency has been making investments in a variety of digital media to enable new and innovative media companies to operate in India.… (Vargh Kumar 2002) IBT has also provided digital content in formats such as Vimeo, MobiMovies, RIT and YouTube.‧ (Vargh Kumar 2000) IBT also has acquired a substantial amount of commercial licenses from major broadcasters, which has contributed greatly in some cases to the creation of independent media.
 (Vargh Kumar 2002) It was in this context that V

&#8221,&#8222:In the last two years, the BBC and other government bodies have been accused of acting inappropriately in the provision of media subsidies. Despite the need for some basic changes made and a growing body of evidence linking the BBC and other media funding to corruption, not in the past five to seven years has there been any change in the nature of the BBC or other entities to support programmes. Such criticism of the BBC for allowing political and legal interference in the BBC’s management of licence fee revenue, for instance the case of the BBC-owned station Zuma which also involved a major corruption probe in the early 1990s, has not increased the public’s interest. However, it has given a voice to those, including the British government, who view the BBC as the major party of corruption.&#8224:It is also fair to say that other agencies are now taking notice. The Indian Broadcasting Corporation (IBC) has set up a ‘new agency’ of its own, headed by an Indian-trained police officer.‡ (Vargh Kumar 2002) In the 1990s, in response to complaints about the use of ‘parallel state TV channels’ to provide live news coverage by political and legal parties, IBT, a public broadcaster for Delhi at the time of the 1980s, created a separate board with the mandate to develop independent ‘independent’ channels, like those established in the 1980s, that offered live coverage and analysis of media, politics, or cultural issues. And in 2006 a consortium of Indian-owned banks have joined forces with IBT to open up channels in nine other local areas of the city for local public television.• (Lalas Bhattacharya 2000) In 2007, by a joint decision, the Indian government imposed a series of changes to IBT’s programming, including new national programming guidelines and new ‘inter-media broadcasting. More and more of the money that is brought in from licensing or licensing fees is used to fund programmes that are available to viewers in multiple territories.‣ (Vargh Kumar 2002) This has been accompanied by an increase in IBT-funded programming from four to five.․ (Lalas Bhattacharya 2000) And in 2008 it was announced that IBT would provide a series of ‘national shows,’ such as the three-hour documentary series ‘Zuma’s Crime’ on Sunday from 5.30pm on Sundays, for Rs 200. This also means that programmes that were available only to subscribers on one channel (i.e., ‘Zuma’s Crime’ without any government involvement) are now available exclusively in TV-only.‥(Bisht Sharma 2011) Moreover, since 2001, the public broadcasting agency has been making investments in a variety of digital media to enable new and innovative media companies to operate in India.… (Vargh Kumar 2002) IBT has also provided digital content in formats such as Vimeo, MobiMovies, RIT and YouTube.‧ (Vargh Kumar 2000) IBT also has acquired a substantial amount of commercial licenses from major broadcasters, which has contributed greatly in some cases to the creation of independent media.
 (Vargh Kumar 2002) It was in this context that V

Turning to the point of how programmes should be sold, it is essential that once a programme has been made, the second copy costs nothing.2. The second concern is to maintain high quality technical and production standards rather than number of programs creating the highest ratings at the lowest cost. Because it is not subject to the dictates of profitability, PSB must demonstrate willingness to take creative risks and develop outstanding genres or ideas. Furthermore, innovation and distinctiveness should go with evidence of being well resourced. The coverage is not restricted to information and cultural issues but also entertainment. However, it does so with a focus on quality that distinguishes it from commercial broadcasting.

Most national PSB systems have external regulatory mechanisms. “In the United Kingdom, the oversight function is performed primarily by three National Broadcasting Councils (for England and Wales, Scotland, and Northern Ireland), headed by the National Governor and composed of members who represent the public interest. These Councils keep the BBCs programming constantly under review and ensure that it reflects the interests of their respective national audiences. Power has also been given to the Secretary of State for Media, Culture and Sport,

to satisfy him or her that the BBC is discharging the mandate set out in the Royal Charter,and in extreme cases of non-compliance to revoke the Charter” (Indrajit, Kalinga 2005).3. As PBS is civil society institution and takes place in the public sphere, its role is to address the needs of people as citizens and generate a greater amount of understanding of exactly what the

audience members and the

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Idea Of Public Service Broadcasting And United Kingdom. (October 7, 2021). Retrieved from https://www.freeessays.education/idea-of-public-service-broadcasting-and-united-kingdom-essay/