Alternative EnrergyEssay Preview: Alternative EnrergyReport this essayHUMAN RIGHTS IN CANADA – THE FLQ CRISIS OF 1970Question 1Explain the crisis and some of the people involved. (10)FLQ, better known as “Front de libÔ©ration du QuÔ©bec”, was a Quebec nationalist group that were involved in the exploding of several bombs, which had killed six people. The FLQ were nothing more than a group of QuÔ©bec workers that had decided to use every means to make sure that the people of QuÔ©bec take control of their destiny. Their primary goal, as stated in their manifesto, was that of liberating the mostly-Francophone province of Quebec from the tyranny of an Anglo-centric federal government that had refused to acknowledge the provinces concerns and special needs; radically left-wing, they also called for the formation of a society that might protect workers from exploitation.
âą Article #8211, translated from French, opens with the statement “The crisis of 1970 marked the onset of an economic crisis and the need for a new model of organizing. We understand that we have no right to fight the battle for social transformation, and that that is why it is our duty to continue working within such a system. In our time, our fight for society and our work in other areas is based on an understanding of the new model of organization and work which must be adopted before the new reality of living in a world free from the influence and domination of central, ruling figures. Our task is to remain present within the framework of that model which is already emerging in the current social democratic and social democratic transformations around the world. This approach makes a promise for a stronger framework, for our contribution to the working conditions of our people, the new model, and for a new social role within the social democratic and social democratic transformation, as such a new form of organization takes place over the history of this new system.
âą Article #8211, translated as French, is not only a document for QuĂ©bec workers but also for those working in Quebec as well? and#8213, is also a very different document than #820 for Canadian workers? It contains only a paragraph that makes claims on “radical feminist” and “feminist” activities. While this is a clear indication. However, the wording is not the only statement and a lot of the statements may be a step beyond the very obvious. For example: “It is not only those who support their own ideas that are concerned today, but also those who reject their own authority, on the other hand, that is concerned and therefore has a responsibility. Those who do not accept authority and who do not see themselves as having a moral authority face a severe set of challenges and conditions. This poses a particular challenge due to the different historical relationships between women and men (for example the traditional patriarchal family). In this context, it was thought that one who supports his own personal project would have to find some sort of solution, and those who did work through a political relationship would have to act more effectively.
âą Article #8213, translated after the French, reads like a manifesto in conjunction with #8226. The word “feminist” refers specifically to how one should feel in relation to these same issues/social issues. The concept is similar to #820 but is of different use, more explicitly to call for a political role for women, to challenge oppression and inequality, and that of the working class, to build solidarity among women, which means fighting for gender equality: “In our day, our politics and the struggle for equality must be the foundation of both ourselves, and of other working people, and we are all those who are going to take on new political power and power in the world.
âą Article #8226 can read like a manifesto on the question of gender. In fact, it was so, on that issue at least. One can say that there are two kinds of “feminism”: one is not an ideological movement; and another is a movement to make the world better for all workers; and the other is an organization that has to fight against exploitation and power, and that has to use all the means necessary to fight for the rights and the necessities of a working class environment.
âą In other words, #8226 is a manifesto of
A more recent FLQ paper explains at length that all of the main political questions that could be raised in the 1960s about the rise under the current leadership of Fillon, Jacques D’Amico, and François Nuland are now considered irrelevant. But this is just the first step. And the next step will be more complex because so many people are still involved in that project and some of those who had participated in such protests in the 1960s were still in it and some of them are still very active today.A few comments about the 1960s are: (1) In France it was a time when nationalism was a thing of the past; in Germany and the United States, many of the early civil-rights movements were, if not completely lost, they had also become central in the political life of the time: it is also true that the struggle between the French Revolution and the anti-fascist National Democratic Party had not yet been formally won; it was, in fact, the very moment the most potent anti-fascist political movement of the 20 th century actually came into being. In the midst of a civil-rights struggle the anti-fascist parties were also a force of support from the national liberation movement, and their social policies led to a deep and profound struggle waged to the very core with national liberation forces of both national and international socialist parties. And in both cases these parties have played a decisive role in the struggle for universal human rights and socialism, as noted above and other countries have done, especially in the 1920s and 1930s.This essay by Jean-Georges Vaudletree uses excerpts from the paper given in order to show how this time period changed the course of the movement, and what this change would look like in practice. To start with, there is still a strong social and political crisis in Quebec, but it is more complicated because the problems of the 1960s were related to all the other important issues concerning the labour problems in the rest of the country. The social causes the FLQ were asking for are quite different. There is simply not enough concrete data to suggest that such a solution would have been adopted. For example, the FLQ had a much bigger goal, but it still seems to have a very long way until it can come into play. A few more paragraphs about this need to follow. The first point stands out as the most important. In this essay it is not just the FLQ but also the French unions that are being questioned as to the future of public ownership. This debate will be continued for a moment due to the fact that the unions are not alone in this. In fact, the main concern is the labour movement. It is the movement of unions that were the focus of the FLQ’s demands, in their own sense, from 1966 through 1969 and the same was true in the past. From 1968-1971 these unions were at least as big as the FLQ with their collective membership of 10 million. And as these unions were in many parts of the country, they also became more influential at work, leading to a series of debates in the movement about whether it was right or wrong to have collective bargaining by private, but on different grounds, workers, especially in certain sectors like engineering and finance, and also about management practices. In 1968 the unions in Quebec were at least 12% of the combined labour force, at least 25% of the total number of labour organizations registered, and their overall
A more recent FLQ paper explains at length that all of the main political questions that could be raised in the 1960s about the rise under the current leadership of Fillon, Jacques D’Amico, and François Nuland are now considered irrelevant. But this is just the first step. And the next step will be more complex because so many people are still involved in that project and some of those who had participated in such protests in the 1960s were still in it and some of them are still very active today.A few comments about the 1960s are: (1) In France it was a time when nationalism was a thing of the past; in Germany and the United States, many of the early civil-rights movements were, if not completely lost, they had also become central in the political life of the time: it is also true that the struggle between the French Revolution and the anti-fascist National Democratic Party had not yet been formally won; it was, in fact, the very moment the most potent anti-fascist political movement of the 20 th century actually came into being. In the midst of a civil-rights struggle the anti-fascist parties were also a force of support from the national liberation movement, and their social policies led to a deep and profound struggle waged to the very core with national liberation forces of both national and international socialist parties. And in both cases these parties have played a decisive role in the struggle for universal human rights and socialism, as noted above and other countries have done, especially in the 1920s and 1930s.This essay by Jean-Georges Vaudletree uses excerpts from the paper given in order to show how this time period changed the course of the movement, and what this change would look like in practice. To start with, there is still a strong social and political crisis in Quebec, but it is more complicated because the problems of the 1960s were related to all the other important issues concerning the labour problems in the rest of the country. The social causes the FLQ were asking for are quite different. There is simply not enough concrete data to suggest that such a solution would have been adopted. For example, the FLQ had a much bigger goal, but it still seems to have a very long way until it can come into play. A few more paragraphs about this need to follow. The first point stands out as the most important. In this essay it is not just the FLQ but also the French unions that are being questioned as to the future of public ownership. This debate will be continued for a moment due to the fact that the unions are not alone in this. In fact, the main concern is the labour movement. It is the movement of unions that were the focus of the FLQ’s demands, in their own sense, from 1966 through 1969 and the same was true in the past. From 1968-1971 these unions were at least as big as the FLQ with their collective membership of 10 million. And as these unions were in many parts of the country, they also became more influential at work, leading to a series of debates in the movement about whether it was right or wrong to have collective bargaining by private, but on different grounds, workers, especially in certain sectors like engineering and finance, and also about management practices. In 1968 the unions in Quebec were at least 12% of the combined labour force, at least 25% of the total number of labour organizations registered, and their overall
A more recent FLQ paper explains at length that all of the main political questions that could be raised in the 1960s about the rise under the current leadership of Fillon, Jacques D’Amico, and François Nuland are now considered irrelevant. But this is just the first step. And the next step will be more complex because so many people are still involved in that project and some of those who had participated in such protests in the 1960s were still in it and some of them are still very active today.A few comments about the 1960s are: (1) In France it was a time when nationalism was a thing of the past; in Germany and the United States, many of the early civil-rights movements were, if not completely lost, they had also become central in the political life of the time: it is also true that the struggle between the French Revolution and the anti-fascist National Democratic Party had not yet been formally won; it was, in fact, the very moment the most potent anti-fascist political movement of the 20 th century actually came into being. In the midst of a civil-rights struggle the anti-fascist parties were also a force of support from the national liberation movement, and their social policies led to a deep and profound struggle waged to the very core with national liberation forces of both national and international socialist parties. And in both cases these parties have played a decisive role in the struggle for universal human rights and socialism, as noted above and other countries have done, especially in the 1920s and 1930s.This essay by Jean-Georges Vaudletree uses excerpts from the paper given in order to show how this time period changed the course of the movement, and what this change would look like in practice. To start with, there is still a strong social and political crisis in Quebec, but it is more complicated because the problems of the 1960s were related to all the other important issues concerning the labour problems in the rest of the country. The social causes the FLQ were asking for are quite different. There is simply not enough concrete data to suggest that such a solution would have been adopted. For example, the FLQ had a much bigger goal, but it still seems to have a very long way until it can come into play. A few more paragraphs about this need to follow. The first point stands out as the most important. In this essay it is not just the FLQ but also the French unions that are being questioned as to the future of public ownership. This debate will be continued for a moment due to the fact that the unions are not alone in this. In fact, the main concern is the labour movement. It is the movement of unions that were the focus of the FLQ’s demands, in their own sense, from 1966 through 1969 and the same was true in the past. From 1968-1971 these unions were at least as big as the FLQ with their collective membership of 10 million. And as these unions were in many parts of the country, they also became more influential at work, leading to a series of debates in the movement about whether it was right or wrong to have collective bargaining by private, but on different grounds, workers, especially in certain sectors like engineering and finance, and also about management practices. In 1968 the unions in Quebec were at least 12% of the combined labour force, at least 25% of the total number of labour organizations registered, and their overall
While mailboxes, particularly in the affluent and predominantly Anglophone city of Westmount, were common targets, the largest single bombing was of the Montreal Stock Exchange on February 13, 1969, which caused extensive damage and injured 27 people. FLQ members, in a strategic move, had stolen several tons of dynamite from military and industrial sites. Financed by bank robberies, they threatened the public through their official communication organ, known as La CognÔ©e, that more attacks were to come.
New ways of thinking had emerged, and socialism in particular was attractive to many people. The FLQ embodied the extreme fringe of this new thinking and promoted revolutionary Marxist politics. Its beliefs were also influenced by international events, including the independence movements in such former colonies as Algeria, Cuba, and Vietnam.
5 Members of Front de libÔ©ration du QuÔ©bec:Normand RoyMichel LambertAndrÔ© LessardPierre MarcilRÔ©jean TremblayQuestion 2Explain the act that was passed and its implication. (5)The War Measures Act, enacted in August 1914, was a Canadian statute that allowed the government to assume sweeping emergency powers. War Measures Act was the statute conferring emergency powers on the federal Cabinet, allowing it to govern by decree when it perceives the existence of “war, invasion or insurrection – real or apprehended.” The only use of the War Measures Act in a domestic crisis occurred in October