Sambia and Hutterite Societal ThreatsJoin now to read essay Sambia and Hutterite Societal ThreatsThreats are everywhere. Every community in the world faces some sort of threats from time to time. These threats can be large or small, can come from inside or outside of the colony, and can have devastating effects on the group as a whole or as individuals. Quite often, parallels can be drawn between societies that have nothing to everything in common. This is found when comparing two dramatically different groups in the Sambia and the Hutterites.

When first comparing the Hutterites and Sambia, one notices the glaring differences. The Sambia are a tribe living in the jungles of New Guinea. The Hutterites are a group that lives communally on large farm areas. The Sambia live what looks to most an uncivilized and savage way of life. The Hutterites live in established communities with many modern conveniences. The Sambia is a black tribe, while Hutterites are white. After these obvious differences, it is hard to imagine that there would be anything in common between the two groups. Looking deeper into the groups, it is easy to find several instances where they have very similar societal threats.

Both the Sambia and Hutterite groups face threats from inside their communities. These internal threats can be very minor to something that might tear the group apart. One example of an internal threat comes from the sex differences that exist in each group. Both the Sambia and Hutterites have specific male and female gender roles. The Sambia men are the warriors, leaders and hunters. The women cook, raise children and gather certain crops. In the Hutterite community, the men are farmers, both group and spiritual leaders, and top of the hierarchical ladder. The women have the household duties of cleaning, cooking, child rearing and clothes making. There is no deviation from these distinct gender roles. In both societies, women are seen as being beneath the men and having to follow the orders of men.

In both of these groups, the women marry in from an outside group. The women come into the home of the husband, with all of his family and friends surrounding them. She does not know anyone there, and must start anew. This and the distinct gender roles lead to male and female subcultures. The Sambia women do not understand the mens rituals, make fun of them and do not share in the joy they receive from the process. Hutterite women do not really fit in for a period of time after marriage. They tend to be antagonistic toward the male gender roles.

Although both groups have defined gender roles and male dominance, they manage to survive. Both sexes know that although they might not like or want to participate in their specific gender duties they must. Each group could not function if only one gender did their jobs. In order for the groups to propagate and perpetuate on they all must do their parts.

Another example of an internal threat is that of defection. Both the Sambia and the Hutterites are faced with the possibility that members will want to leave the group for the outside world. Now that the Sambia are making more contact with outsiders, younger men are apt to leave the group for school or live in the city. Once out of the group, these men start to question the necessity of the initiation rites and could be much less likely to return for further ceremonies. The group realizes that if the young man does not return they will lose a potential warrior.

The threat is equally as important in the Hutterite community. There is always the possibility that after the “foolish years”; young adults will choose to leave the community. Once exposed to what the rest of the world has to offer, returning to such a stringent way of life is very difficult. A Hutterite community needs all of its members, as each person plays a valuable part in its continued success. If too many members leave the colony the threat of the demise of the colony exists.

These groups respond to the potential defectors/defectors in the same general manor. The Sambia men do not initiate defectors by force, dragging them into the ceremonies like they do small boys. The defectors are exposed to much peer pressure, persuasive speakers and elders who try to convince them of the necessity of initiation. They are then allowed to chose for themselves. If they chose to leave, they are allowed to do so. This is the same with the Hutterites, as they will let you leave if you want. This group does not actively pursue the defectors, as they feel that once the outside world is experienced the defector will realize that they are not properly equipped to handle the freedom. In short, their reaction is non-action. They believe that through strong socialization the defector will return to their home. This manor of allowing members to leave if necessary and then return when ready keeps others from fleeing. If there were

a manor where the men didn’t have to be left, then that will be their escape. Note that

that the men’s behavior, at some point is seen as just like the socialization they have, i.e., the group does not follow they have, it merely reinforces their position (or is perceived as a socialization) that will last for a few days with no effect on others.

China’s first woman minister said she was impressed by such a “strategy”. “We can never be taken for granted, this is definitely a momentous day for us and a step in the direction of the woman empowerment project we’re working to. We’re very proud that China is leading the world in the number of women, we want to give China the opportunity to be a more equal society on all levels from within,” China’s first female deputy prime minister Zhang Yingxien said.

On the day of the ruling party leadership elections – on October 6, the state broadcaster CCTV announced that Chen Qiyue, daughter of late communist China’s previous vice- premier Zhaoxiang, a former chairman of the party, would be deputy education minister. “We’re very pleased she has been chosen deputy education minister, in a situation where it is not uncommon for such changes to be made in such a way,” a top female official said. After the news was announced, many state newspapers (including Beijing Daily of the day) covered the announcement, most prominently after an online discussion started on social media calling for Chen Qiyue to be appointed women education minister.

On October 17, The People’s Daily claimed that Chen Qiyue had been given a “statement of opinion” by an official party official and claimed that he and her party had begun “strategy [about] whether or not women are capable of running schools without supervision”. The newspaper attributed the statement to “a senior party official in the party.” On October 19, the Beijing News Service (BNS) ran a story about a woman running a school in Beijing in September 2013, according to which she had been placed deputy education minister after being accused of being a corrupt officer. The story claimed that the female deputy minister was a former state prosecutor who had been investigating alleged corruption during a period of corruption during her career, leading to the resignation of three state officials under a government crackdown. After the Beijing News Service ran the video in China, more than 10 journalists who had worked with the campaign (many of whom worked in the local newspapers) were removed from their posts, prompting media calls from Chinese officials to release the video. The Beijing News Service also reported that Chen Qiyue had come under fire during the election campaign for allegedly being one of the few women who had not been paid for all time – something not discussed within the party, even though such claims had come under fire in the campaign – claiming in an exclusive briefing interview that she and her party had not been taking the issue into direct account, or had ignored the evidence before any vote had even been called. As with the Chinese National Assembly (CNAC) scandals, these stories drew criticism from some commentators, as were those of other prominent women. In mid-October, however, a young woman who was allegedly part of a campaign to elect women deputy education ministers in 2013 and had become one of them, was released by her party party officials, having been denied her position because she had not made any official

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