China Wakes and from Beirut to JerusalemEssay title: China Wakes and from Beirut to JerusalemComparison and Contrast:China Wakes and From Beirut to JerusalemThe authors of the two books being reviewed present a very clear and concise view of their prospective areas of study. Nicholas D. Kristof and Sheryl Wudunn do a particularly good job in China Wakes of communicating the extreme situations plaguing China in such a way that even an American with little to no background in the area can get an accurate view of what is happening in the country. Thomas L. Friedman’s work is also commendable in that he takes an area that even the residents of neighboring countries do not fully comprehend and gives the completely detached reader an intimate familiarity which borders on an affinity with the place.

This paper documents for the first time a number of major China Wakes that are part of a larger global trend unfolding in the region. Chinese Wakes:

Cultural and Spiritual Roots

In the late 1890s, at the height of the Cultural Revolution, the Chinese Revolutionaries’ Youth Front formed that is today the central focus of China’s struggle against the CCP. The CPC in Beijing supported the new wave of Maoists, but this did not result in the opening up of the CPP government and the emergence of the “Open Government Movement.”  In fact, the CCP regime only got into power the following year, just as the military and the Communist Party were beginning to be pushed into being, even as the latter was seeking to expand its grip on power. These early CPP forces, which included not only Maoists, but also elements of the Chinese Communist Party, were determined to push the CCP to the limit.

The initial response of the CPP regime was to provide a stable and stable government, which would be led by the Chinese President Huang Ying, who was opposed by the Central Government and military leaders. At the same time, the Party was in a position to push towards “reconciliation with Deng in a more moderate manner [meaning] that Deng would not have to deal with any of his major adversaries and that Deng was prepared to compromise. As long as there were stability, they certainly could push forward with changes and a peaceful change of regime, but there was no guarantee Deng would accept that.” In short, these initial concessions were not enough for the CPC, and eventually it was Deng who decided to allow the first of his government’s changes to go through. This allowed the CCP to achieve a permanent and stable government, with an economic outlook and an economic plan that did not lead to a further collapse of the CCP regime.

A major catalyst for China’s victory in the Civil War was the October Revolution (or Revolution in the Chinese Revolution, also known as the “Civil War”), under the leadership of General Cao Huanghua. The revolution came at a time when many of the Chinese Communist party’s members had lost their lives, and the Central Communist Party’s leaders refused to help, or at least did not give much consideration to the issue. Thus, when the Chinese General was forced to surrender on May 4, 1891, one of the leaders in the country’s Civil War, general Liu Yu had announced the creation of the “Great Hall of History;” the Great Hall will be renamed in this chapter.

The Great Hall of History is to be constructed for the purpose of “transforming Chinese society into a modern, nationalistic, democratic society” to be “balanced in favor of the revolutionary communist [and] socialist forces that are on all sides” . As such, the Great Hall of History is to be organized for both the nationalist (or imperialist) or socialist (or nationalistic) forces to fight “to consolidate their existing power within the state and make possible a new system of governance and government that conforms to the socialist principles and principles of the New Cultural Revolution

This paper documents for the first time a number of major China Wakes that are part of a larger global trend unfolding in the region. Chinese Wakes:

Cultural and Spiritual Roots

In the late 1890s, at the height of the Cultural Revolution, the Chinese Revolutionaries’ Youth Front formed that is today the central focus of China’s struggle against the CCP. The CPC in Beijing supported the new wave of Maoists, but this did not result in the opening up of the CPP government and the emergence of the “Open Government Movement.”  In fact, the CCP regime only got into power the following year, just as the military and the Communist Party were beginning to be pushed into being, even as the latter was seeking to expand its grip on power. These early CPP forces, which included not only Maoists, but also elements of the Chinese Communist Party, were determined to push the CCP to the limit.

The initial response of the CPP regime was to provide a stable and stable government, which would be led by the Chinese President Huang Ying, who was opposed by the Central Government and military leaders. At the same time, the Party was in a position to push towards “reconciliation with Deng in a more moderate manner [meaning] that Deng would not have to deal with any of his major adversaries and that Deng was prepared to compromise. As long as there were stability, they certainly could push forward with changes and a peaceful change of regime, but there was no guarantee Deng would accept that.” In short, these initial concessions were not enough for the CPC, and eventually it was Deng who decided to allow the first of his government’s changes to go through. This allowed the CCP to achieve a permanent and stable government, with an economic outlook and an economic plan that did not lead to a further collapse of the CCP regime.

A major catalyst for China’s victory in the Civil War was the October Revolution (or Revolution in the Chinese Revolution, also known as the “Civil War”), under the leadership of General Cao Huanghua. The revolution came at a time when many of the Chinese Communist party’s members had lost their lives, and the Central Communist Party’s leaders refused to help, or at least did not give much consideration to the issue. Thus, when the Chinese General was forced to surrender on May 4, 1891, one of the leaders in the country’s Civil War, general Liu Yu had announced the creation of the “Great Hall of History;” the Great Hall will be renamed in this chapter.

The Great Hall of History is to be constructed for the purpose of “transforming Chinese society into a modern, nationalistic, democratic society” to be “balanced in favor of the revolutionary communist [and] socialist forces that are on all sides” . As such, the Great Hall of History is to be organized for both the nationalist (or imperialist) or socialist (or nationalistic) forces to fight “to consolidate their existing power within the state and make possible a new system of governance and government that conforms to the socialist principles and principles of the New Cultural Revolution

The two areas covered have such differing systems of government and political motivations from not only each other, but also from America’s as well. I feel as though both the books give their readers an adequate understanding of how each region’s method of governance work. The detail in which each author explains things regarding government and politics is very effective, and I feel as though one can walk away from either book with more than an adequate base of knowledge of “how things are done” in China, Lebanon, and Israel.

In China Wakes, it becomes clear that the intense corruption prevalent in China is a major factor in getting anything bureaucratic completed. While China is technically governed by the Chinese Communist Party, and has been for the last few decades, Kristof makes it exceedingly obvious that there are a multitude of other factors at work beyond typical socialist or communist views. The in-depth analysis of guanxi and how it affects political decisions and influences the lives of everyone, from the lowliest of peasants to the ‘emperor’ Deng Xiaoping, helps the reader immensely in understanding a fundamental aspect of Chinese society. China Wakes does a fantastic job of delving into the different levels of political power in China. From small townships and their local bullies to the Politburo and the CCP’s organizational hierarchy, everything seems to be covered in this account.

The two factors in day-to-day business getting done in China seem to be Guanxi and payoffs, or corruption. Kristof makes a good point about why corruption is so rampant in China when he describes the differences between a corrupt police officer in New York or Beijing. The corrupt cop in New York might make twice his normal salary if he were to accept illegal payoffs, while his counterpart in Beijing could potentially make twenty to thirty times his regular pay. These kinds of monetary incentives are usually enough to swing any would-be fair public servant in China into a corrupted blight on the system. The fact that the corruption is so widespread is heavily hit upon by Kristof. He gives accounts of peasants making $45 a year being forced to pay $300 fees to pay for services they will never see or for taxes that go straight into an official’s pocket. Bribes are a huge part of Chinese politics. With enough of them, one can apparently get away with even the most corrupt ventures for at least a while, and most problems can be solved indefinitely. While it can not solve everything, bribing leads to the building of guanxi which is true power in China.

As stated, guanxi is the real driving force in China; loosely translated into favors and influence. This goes far beyond the American system of ‘it is not what you know but who you know’ and becomes another form of gross corruption. Kristof again does a fantastic job of giving accounts from the very bottom all the way to the top of instances where guanxi affects people’s lives in China. A perfect example of how incredibly important guanxi is in Chinese society is Deng Xiaoping himself. While he never actually held the highest positions in the Chinese Communist Party, he was undeniably the ‘emperor’ of china after Mao passed away. The reason for Deng’s widespread power was his political influence and the number of favors owed to him by other powerful people. His guanxi was strong enough that he effectively ran China without even being in the position of power. China Wakes also covers smaller issues where guanxi swings things for people one way or another. Getting a child into a good school is literally impossible in China without a certain level of guanxi to get the gears moving, and for a peasant family to legally have a second child, they had better have someone owe them some favors, or be prepared to pay ridiculous penalties. The thing about guanxi is that it can overcome nearly any problem in China. There is seemingly no law in the entire country that cannot be sidestepped or completely ignored with the right amount of influence and connections.

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