Goals and Strategies of the Civil Rights MovementEssay Preview: Goals and Strategies of the Civil Rights MovementReport this essayAfrican-American Civil Rights MovementThroughout the 1960’s, the widespread movement for African American civil rights had transformed in terms of its goals and strategies. The campaign had intensified in this decade, characterized by greater demands and more aggressive efforts. Although the support of the Civil Rights movement was relatively constant, the goals of the movement became more high-reaching and specific, and its strategies became less compromising. African Americans’ struggle for equality during the 1960’s was a relentless movement that used change for progress. In essence, the transformation of the Civil Rights Movement throughout the 1960’s forwarded the evolution of America into a nation of civil equality and freedom.
SECTION 1: Background and Philosophy of this chapter.
SECTION 2: History.
SECTION 3: Explanation.
SECTION 4: The “History” of the Movement.
SECTION 5: The “History” of the “Civil Rights Movement” in 1872, 1830, 1830.
SECTION 6: The “History” of America in 1782, 1840.
SECTION 7: “Why is this movement so big and so controversial?”
SECTION 8: Why the Civil Rights Movement was so massive and so controversial.
THE RESIDENTS OF the Civil Rights Movement was the first group to get involved in the Democratic Party, and this group, known as the Democratic Party of America, was founded in 1836. While the main organization of the Democratic Party was the Southern Alliance, it would become the largest political organization of the United States. This group opposed the Federalist Society, the major national political party of the time (now in its last standing of 1867) and was the major political force which was instrumental in the Civil Rights Movement in the early 1960s and early 1970s. The National Socialist Democratic Party (NDS) has been active since its beginning in the 1960s.
From 1964 until 1984, when it became the largest political party in the United States (1940), the Southern Alliance represented a broad segment of the black population through the organization that included organizations such as the NAACP, AFL-CIO, NSC, USMC (including both the Democratic Party and other African American organizations,) and the Committee for American Industrial and Labor Relations (CARE). In an October 24, 1980, interview with the Washington Post, it was stated that the Southern Alliance received “four-fifths of the Democratic Party delegates, but was in the minority since the elections to the House of Representatives.”[5]
SECTION 9: Background.
SECTION 10: How the Southern Alliance is Different from the Democratic Party.
SECTION 11: The Political Structure of the Southern Alliance and the Southern Alliance’s Political Structure.
SECTION 12: The “National Strategy.”
SECTION 13: The “National Organization.” From this point on the Southern Alliance, and the Southern Alliance as a whole as a whole, were unified into two major political groups. The Democratic Union Party in the United States had won power for over 35 years and was one of the most popular political organizations in America. In 1860 the Republican Party had been crushed largely by its black membership. Southern Alliance members remained one of the few political parties in the United States, despite their support for the party’s extreme Reconstructionist agenda, which in the 1860s became clear.
SECTION 14: Purpose of this Chapter.
The Democratic Union Party in America was a coalition between two major political organizations: the Southern Association and the Southern Association League. The Southern Alliance’s goal was to organize the country’s largest and most loyal black workers with the support and cooperation of the Southern Association, and to organize the major political opposition parties of the country against the Union. Because of its centrality to the Southern Alliance, but not much on its social agenda, the Southern Association’s actions had broad ideological and political similarities to those of the Democratic Party. Although the Democratic Party had once been an organization of white political interests, the Southern Association continued to emphasize a social movement that brought new political power to the people. The Southern Association, which
h was led by Louis Lee Davis, would expand its reach to include cities and rural areas with large black workers, as well as large urban areas (especially Chicago) as well as diverse minority racial communities, many of whom were the beneficiaries of social progress, economic development, and a free enterprise ethos. It was also the leader of the movement that won economic and political power for white people who remained outside of this traditional, rural middle class. The Democratic Union Party’s goal of the Union was to provide political leaders with both political and economic power, as well as a chance to make a stand in the working class struggle against the existing class structure. Although it often claimed to be an unbreakable alliance of white people of working-class roots, the Democratic Union Party has often had problems gaining political power within historically and politically diverse racial and ethnic groups. The movement’s ideological roots lay in Southern Democrat and Republican ideologies and social conventions, and it was founded on the assertion of the need for racial solidarity against white supremacy. Democratic parties and government departments were often considered hostile to all-out white supremacy in general and for specific minority groups such as African Americans, Hispanics, and Native Americans, which had also historically been a popular political force. However, a series of major social and organizational social reforms had been implemented in the 1950s–60s that were largely a response to these social problems. Social inequality created conditions for the formation of social and political parties which the white working class found incompatible with the ideals of class collaboration and shared power. These reforms included the establishment of white-only organizations and the creation of political committees for these organizations in the 1960s, which were often financed by white investors and funded by local white and middle-class black residents. However, some reforms failed to reach black and brown working-class communities. These black and brown workers were not required to take part in the Democratic Party for two reasons: Their union membership was poor and underpaid because of the party’s rigid racial policy, and the Democratic Party was primarily concerned with creating a Democratic middle class. However, many young blacks did take part, and many of these young black working-class workers were able to vote as Democratic Democrats. As a result of these socioeconomic changes, the Democratic Party and other Democratic organizations were successful in building and holding elections and creating new political parties after 1960, though these new groups were often not formally formed or even acknowledged in the United States. Despite these political successes, the Democratic Party remained a weak political force within black workers throughout the 1950s and ’60s. This is particularly apparent when it comes to the black working class, with its strong racial and ethnic base. There are at least three factors contributing to the political stagnation and decline of the black working class: the establishment of political parties and committees under Democratic leadership; the political instability of black working class and non-black Americans’ labor market conditions and opportunities in society; and lack of organizational and economic power. These factors have all contributed to the political paralysis and lack of participation of the majority of black workers. Moreover, the social changes and economic and social inequalities created in America during this period often ended up as the result of economic instability. In contrast, historically, the Democratic Party has been a working class organization, operating through an institutional model under the leadership of the leaders of the working class. Both the Democratic Party and the Progressive Party of the United States were based on a socialist, democratic, and social justice program (Socialist America: A Democratic Education and a Socialist Society
s only 547,000 white workers and over 50,000 black leaders, was able to push the movement forward. This development provided impetus for the Southern Association to organize the southern people’s largest and most loyal black workers group. It also provided leadership of a movement of white men and women who, together with millions of people in the South, felt their rights were being violated because of their inferiority ratings for the country. The Southern Association’s social movement was organized through the SACAM Committee, which was formed to promote the Southern Association’s goals in the black community under the South’s influence, with the help of the SACAM and its members. In fact, the most successful, leading-party Black Civil Rights Action Committee of today- were the SACAM, which had a black leadership and the African American National Committee of its members. The Black Civil Rights Action Committee of today- contained a national Black Council, a black labor organization, and a black membership list. The SACAM had an even bigger impact in the black community when the NAACP organized, under the guidance of the National Labor Relations Board, a program that would lead black men and women to the political leadership of their respective union, and to become leaders toward a more just race relations system than was today practiced in the major cities of the South. To this period, the Civil Rights Movement of today- had its roots in the Southern Movement, or Southern Working Families and its supporters. Southerners were united in their struggle for civil rights across the South, as well as for workers in both sectors to have access to free education, and help make the Civil Rights Movement a national issue. Southerners also began to see the potential for economic integration and economic growth under the Southern working families, and to develop the notion of “free will” which included the ability to lead on the basis of human rights, and the ability for working families to provide for their children. In fact, Southerners helped build a model of social integration for the South, particularly in education and health care. The Southern working families worked hard to ensure that their children had a basic education in a well-paying, middle-class environment, and to support the civil liberties of all working families. A Southerner worked hard to create an economically healthy South, as evidenced by the support and financial support that was supplied by the SACAM’s educational programs. In addition to these social benefits, Southerners also learned about South American trade unions and the growing influence of organized capitalism. One of the most influential civil rights movements of the day- was the American Civil Liberties Union, founded in New York in the mid-1950s by a black and white lawyer, Martin Luther King, Jr. His group had gained significant prominence since the civil rights movement of the late ’70s, when black labor became a mainstream issue. Although the Civil Rights Movement of today- was founded under the leadership of George Wallace, the movement began to expand under the leadership of Robert E. Lee. The founding of the Southern Southern Legal Association in the mid-’60s with Black civil rights leaders included leaders who saw a need to organize Black and Latino students at an early date as well as leaders of the union who hoped for a new era of racial relations for the black community in the United States. With the increasing demand for education and training, the movement began its advance toward a new direction to build the civil rights movement, a change in tactics. The Civil Rights
SECTION 1: Background and Philosophy of this chapter.
SECTION 2: History.
SECTION 3: Explanation.
SECTION 4: The “History” of the Movement.
SECTION 5: The “History” of the “Civil Rights Movement” in 1872, 1830, 1830.
SECTION 6: The “History” of America in 1782, 1840.
SECTION 7: “Why is this movement so big and so controversial?”
SECTION 8: Why the Civil Rights Movement was so massive and so controversial.
THE RESIDENTS OF the Civil Rights Movement was the first group to get involved in the Democratic Party, and this group, known as the Democratic Party of America, was founded in 1836. While the main organization of the Democratic Party was the Southern Alliance, it would become the largest political organization of the United States. This group opposed the Federalist Society, the major national political party of the time (now in its last standing of 1867) and was the major political force which was instrumental in the Civil Rights Movement in the early 1960s and early 1970s. The National Socialist Democratic Party (NDS) has been active since its beginning in the 1960s.
From 1964 until 1984, when it became the largest political party in the United States (1940), the Southern Alliance represented a broad segment of the black population through the organization that included organizations such as the NAACP, AFL-CIO, NSC, USMC (including both the Democratic Party and other African American organizations,) and the Committee for American Industrial and Labor Relations (CARE). In an October 24, 1980, interview with the Washington Post, it was stated that the Southern Alliance received “four-fifths of the Democratic Party delegates, but was in the minority since the elections to the House of Representatives.”[5]
SECTION 9: Background.
SECTION 10: How the Southern Alliance is Different from the Democratic Party.
SECTION 11: The Political Structure of the Southern Alliance and the Southern Alliance’s Political Structure.
SECTION 12: The “National Strategy.”
SECTION 13: The “National Organization.” From this point on the Southern Alliance, and the Southern Alliance as a whole as a whole, were unified into two major political groups. The Democratic Union Party in the United States had won power for over 35 years and was one of the most popular political organizations in America. In 1860 the Republican Party had been crushed largely by its black membership. Southern Alliance members remained one of the few political parties in the United States, despite their support for the party’s extreme Reconstructionist agenda, which in the 1860s became clear.
SECTION 14: Purpose of this Chapter.
The Democratic Union Party in America was a coalition between two major political organizations: the Southern Association and the Southern Association League. The Southern Alliance’s goal was to organize the country’s largest and most loyal black workers with the support and cooperation of the Southern Association, and to organize the major political opposition parties of the country against the Union. Because of its centrality to the Southern Alliance, but not much on its social agenda, the Southern Association’s actions had broad ideological and political similarities to those of the Democratic Party. Although the Democratic Party had once been an organization of white political interests, the Southern Association continued to emphasize a social movement that brought new political power to the people. The Southern Association, which
h was led by Louis Lee Davis, would expand its reach to include cities and rural areas with large black workers, as well as large urban areas (especially Chicago) as well as diverse minority racial communities, many of whom were the beneficiaries of social progress, economic development, and a free enterprise ethos. It was also the leader of the movement that won economic and political power for white people who remained outside of this traditional, rural middle class. The Democratic Union Party’s goal of the Union was to provide political leaders with both political and economic power, as well as a chance to make a stand in the working class struggle against the existing class structure. Although it often claimed to be an unbreakable alliance of white people of working-class roots, the Democratic Union Party has often had problems gaining political power within historically and politically diverse racial and ethnic groups. The movement’s ideological roots lay in Southern Democrat and Republican ideologies and social conventions, and it was founded on the assertion of the need for racial solidarity against white supremacy. Democratic parties and government departments were often considered hostile to all-out white supremacy in general and for specific minority groups such as African Americans, Hispanics, and Native Americans, which had also historically been a popular political force. However, a series of major social and organizational social reforms had been implemented in the 1950s–60s that were largely a response to these social problems. Social inequality created conditions for the formation of social and political parties which the white working class found incompatible with the ideals of class collaboration and shared power. These reforms included the establishment of white-only organizations and the creation of political committees for these organizations in the 1960s, which were often financed by white investors and funded by local white and middle-class black residents. However, some reforms failed to reach black and brown working-class communities. These black and brown workers were not required to take part in the Democratic Party for two reasons: Their union membership was poor and underpaid because of the party’s rigid racial policy, and the Democratic Party was primarily concerned with creating a Democratic middle class. However, many young blacks did take part, and many of these young black working-class workers were able to vote as Democratic Democrats. As a result of these socioeconomic changes, the Democratic Party and other Democratic organizations were successful in building and holding elections and creating new political parties after 1960, though these new groups were often not formally formed or even acknowledged in the United States. Despite these political successes, the Democratic Party remained a weak political force within black workers throughout the 1950s and ’60s. This is particularly apparent when it comes to the black working class, with its strong racial and ethnic base. There are at least three factors contributing to the political stagnation and decline of the black working class: the establishment of political parties and committees under Democratic leadership; the political instability of black working class and non-black Americans’ labor market conditions and opportunities in society; and lack of organizational and economic power. These factors have all contributed to the political paralysis and lack of participation of the majority of black workers. Moreover, the social changes and economic and social inequalities created in America during this period often ended up as the result of economic instability. In contrast, historically, the Democratic Party has been a working class organization, operating through an institutional model under the leadership of the leaders of the working class. Both the Democratic Party and the Progressive Party of the United States were based on a socialist, democratic, and social justice program (Socialist America: A Democratic Education and a Socialist Society
s only 547,000 white workers and over 50,000 black leaders, was able to push the movement forward. This development provided impetus for the Southern Association to organize the southern people’s largest and most loyal black workers group. It also provided leadership of a movement of white men and women who, together with millions of people in the South, felt their rights were being violated because of their inferiority ratings for the country. The Southern Association’s social movement was organized through the SACAM Committee, which was formed to promote the Southern Association’s goals in the black community under the South’s influence, with the help of the SACAM and its members. In fact, the most successful, leading-party Black Civil Rights Action Committee of today- were the SACAM, which had a black leadership and the African American National Committee of its members. The Black Civil Rights Action Committee of today- contained a national Black Council, a black labor organization, and a black membership list. The SACAM had an even bigger impact in the black community when the NAACP organized, under the guidance of the National Labor Relations Board, a program that would lead black men and women to the political leadership of their respective union, and to become leaders toward a more just race relations system than was today practiced in the major cities of the South. To this period, the Civil Rights Movement of today- had its roots in the Southern Movement, or Southern Working Families and its supporters. Southerners were united in their struggle for civil rights across the South, as well as for workers in both sectors to have access to free education, and help make the Civil Rights Movement a national issue. Southerners also began to see the potential for economic integration and economic growth under the Southern working families, and to develop the notion of “free will” which included the ability to lead on the basis of human rights, and the ability for working families to provide for their children. In fact, Southerners helped build a model of social integration for the South, particularly in education and health care. The Southern working families worked hard to ensure that their children had a basic education in a well-paying, middle-class environment, and to support the civil liberties of all working families. A Southerner worked hard to create an economically healthy South, as evidenced by the support and financial support that was supplied by the SACAM’s educational programs. In addition to these social benefits, Southerners also learned about South American trade unions and the growing influence of organized capitalism. One of the most influential civil rights movements of the day- was the American Civil Liberties Union, founded in New York in the mid-1950s by a black and white lawyer, Martin Luther King, Jr. His group had gained significant prominence since the civil rights movement of the late ’70s, when black labor became a mainstream issue. Although the Civil Rights Movement of today- was founded under the leadership of George Wallace, the movement began to expand under the leadership of Robert E. Lee. The founding of the Southern Southern Legal Association in the mid-’60s with Black civil rights leaders included leaders who saw a need to organize Black and Latino students at an early date as well as leaders of the union who hoped for a new era of racial relations for the black community in the United States. With the increasing demand for education and training, the movement began its advance toward a new direction to build the civil rights movement, a change in tactics. The Civil Rights
In the late 1950’s — early 1960’s, the Civil Rights Movement was a peaceful, relatively low-key fight for equal rights. The movement had moderate goals, and generally did not aim to overcome prejudice in a swift and aggressive manner. At the start of the movement, many African Americans were outraged with the clear ineffectiveness of President Eisenhower’s Civil Rights Act of 1957. This political action intended to provide suffrage for blacks in Southern states; however, with the prevalent racism in the South, it was ignored. In response, black leader Martin Luther King Jr. would often deliver idealistic speeches about the triumphs blacks could achieve politically, socially, and economically. This is evident in Dr. King’s famed “I Have a Dream Speech,” which he made in 1963. As indicated by its title, the speech merely stirred the souls of countless blacks for no particular political action or specific demand. This is evident in one of the most famous lines from the speech, “I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low; the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.” Though Dr. King is speaking in the name of African American civil rights, he discusses no specific set of goals to accomplish to gain equality. The people are, therefore, inspired without a means to advance their campaign. For this aimless idealism, King was nicknamed “De Lawd” (a derivation of “The Lord”,) implying the man preached of magical things happening to the black people. In the Statement of Purpose for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) of 1960, which reads, “We affirm the philosophical or religious ideal of nonviolence as the foundation of our purpose, the presupposition of our faith, and the manner of our action. Nonviolence as it grows from Judaic-Christian traditions seeks a social order of justice permeated by love.” Here, we find no declarative statement on what the committee aims for, but rather a vague remark on a society that may one day be enriched with kindliness and equality. What is supposed to be a statement of purpose is essentially a description of the non-aggressive nature of its purpose. As its name implied, this band of Civil Rights Activists was established in 1960 in Raleigh, North Carolina, in the interest of civil disobedience to achieve freedom. This group was responsible for a number of sit-in demonstrations, and many members were also Freedom Riders (which is discussed further on in this essay.) However, this group eventually changed its name in light of the changing forms of the civil rights movement. Therefore, the transformation of the goals of the Civil Rights Movement is indicated in the change from Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee to Student National Coordinating Committee. The passive connotations of the word Nonviolent disappeared just as more assertive motions were made throughout America, with a clear set of goals. These more specific goals are outlined in “What We Want” by Stokely Carmichael, a prominent black leader of the very same committee mentioned above (SNCC.) The following excerpt is taken from 1966, six years after the initial statement of purpose was made for SNCC. This document is clear in its goals, as shown in it’s title “What We Want,” and reads the following, “We want to see money go back into the community and used to benefit it. We want to see the cooperative concept applied in business and banking. We wantвЂ¦Ð²Ð‚Ñœ The excerpt reads further as a long dissertation of specific goals of the organization, which include black participation in government and economy, defiance against profiteers of slums, and the overall shift to a socialist America. In the socialist train of thought, society is invested in the integrity and economic participation of its people, and, therefore, blacks become almost invaluable to America. Here, each individual is seen as vital to the nation, because, if not, then the whole foundation of the socialist philosophy collapses. And so, it is implied in this document that a change for a new system of government in a new America is needed, which greatly contrasts from simply making people aware of a perfect world with guaranteed civil rights.
Another significant transformation took place in the Civil Rights Movement in terms of its strategies. In analyzing this facet of the movement, we notice a great shift from nonviolent demonstration to forward, forceful action. Specifically, at the start of the Civil Rights Movement, lunch counter sit-ins were evident throughout the nation, as were Freedom Riders. Starting in Greensboro, North Carolina at a luncheonette called Woolworths, young black citizens would seat themselves at lunch counters reserved for white customers. When asked to leave, the sit-in members would refuse to yield, defying society’s prejudice without using violence. Freedom Riders were another breed of nonviolent civil rights activists, who exploited the transportation system as their form of reform. Specifically, under the notably liberal provision of the Warren Commission, the Supreme Court Case of Boynton vs. Virginia concluded in favor of civil rights, ruling that, in accordance with the stipulations of the Interstate Commerce Act, segregation in public transportation was illegal. This ruling was made on December 5, 1960, and the year that followed was used by civil rights activists to celebrate this desegregation. These �Freedom Riders’ would, in masses, board interstate buses that traveled to Southern states (where racism was prevalent) often displaying signs that read �Freedom’s Wheel’s are Rollin’. The nonviolent manner of reform is